The most immediate threat faced by press in India remains physical. In 2024 alone, 12 journalists were killed in India, making it the fifth-deadliest country for media workers globally (CPJ). The murders were not random; each targeted reporting on land mafia, mining scams, or political corruption

As the nation gears up to observe National Press Freedom Day on November 16, the spotlight falls once again on the fourth estate's undeniable role in shaping India's democratic fabric. Instituted in 2007 by the Press Council of India (PCI) to commemorate the anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court judgment in the Sakal Papers v. Union of India case (1962), which struck down government attempts to control newspaper circulation through pricing regulations, this day serves as a strong  reminder of the press's vulnerabilities and victories. In an era marked by digital influence, misinformation wars and escalating threats to journalists, the observance assumes renewed urgency.

National Press Freedom Day is not merely a ceremonial occasion; it is a call made on war-footing basis for vigilance in safeguarding one of democracy's core pillars—the free press. The day underscores the press's function as a watchdog, ensuring accountability of the powerful while amplifying marginalized voices. The PCI, established under the Press Council Act of 1965, proposed the day in 2007 to mark the 45th anniversary of the Sakal Papers case.

Why November 16 specifically?

The Supreme Court's 1962 ruling declared that freedom of the press is implicit in Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech and expression. The government had imposed price-page schedules to curb "big" newspapers, seen as a backdoor censorship tactic. The court's rebuke—"The freedom of speech and expression includes the right to propagate one's views through the print media"—set a precedent for judicial protection of the press.

In the words of PCI Chairman Justice (Retd.) Ranjana Prakash Desai, speaking at a seminar in Mumbai "Press freedom is the oxygen of democracy. On this day, we reflect on past battles won and future threats looming." This and the coming 2 years, with elections in several states on the horizon and global rankings showing India slipping in press freedom indices, the day gains added relevance. According to the” Reporters Without Borders (RSF) World Press Freedom Index 2025”, India ranks 159 out of 180 countries, a decline attributed to rising violence against journalists and online harassment.

Role of press in India's freedom struggle

The Indian press was the vanguard of the independence movement, a fiery instrument that awakened national consciousness and mobilized masses against colonial rule. From the early 19th century, vernacular newspapers challenged British authority, often at great personal risk. The journey began with Raja Ram Mohan Roy's Sambad Kaumudi (1821), which advocated social reforms and critiqued British policies. James Augustus Hickey's Bengal Gazette (1780), India's first newspaper, earned the name "Hickey’s Gazette" for its scathing attacks on Governor-General Warren Hastings, leading to its shutdown. The press's role intensified during the 1857 Revolt, with papers like Payam-e-Azadi disseminating rebel proclamations.

Mahatma Gandhi revolutionized journalism with Young India and Harijan, using them as tools for non-violent propaganda. His famous quote, "The press is called the Fourth Estate. It is definitely a power, but to misuse that power is criminal," encapsulated its ethical imperative. Bal Gangadhar Tilak's Kesari (Marathi) and Mahratta (English) ignited Swadeshi fervor; his 1908 sedition trial for articles on the Muzaffarpur bomb case resulted in six years' imprisonment, yet galvanized the nation. Subhash Chandra Bose founded Swaraj to promote forward bloc ideals, while Lala Lajpat Rai's The People exposed atrocities. Women journalists like Annie Besant with New India advocated home rule. The press faced draconian laws like the Vernacular Press Act of 1878, which mandated pre-censorship for native languages, and the Press Act of 1910, leading to securities forfeiture.

Evolution of press freedom in independent India

Post-1947, press freedom evolved amid tensions between state security and democratic ideals. The Constituent Assembly debates saw Nehru advocating absolute freedom, but safeguards under Article 19(2) allowed restrictions for sovereignty, public order, etc. The 1950s saw the Press Commission (1952-54) recommend self-regulation, leading to the PCI's formation. The Emergency (1975-77) under Indira Gandhi was the darkest phase: censorship imposed on June 26, 1975, blank editorials in protest, and over 250 journalists detained. L.K. Advani's quote, "When asked to bend, they crawled," highlighted surrender by some.

Post-Emergency, the Janata government repealed repressive laws. The 1980s witnessed liberalization with satellite TV; Doordarshan's monopoly ended in 1991. The 1990s internet boom and 2000s digital media exploded freedoms but introduced new regulations. Judicial interventions fortified protections: Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras (1950) struck down pre-censorship; Bennett Coleman v. Union of India (1972) upheld newsprint equality. The 2010s saw the RTI Act (2005) empowering investigative journalism. However, the 2020s brought challenges with OTT regulations and data protection laws potentially curbing expression.

The shadow of censorship

Censorship, both overt and subtle, has haunted Indian media. Colonial gagging acts morphed into post-independence tools like the Official Secrets Act (1923) and sedition under IPC Section 124A. Post-1977, indirect censorship via advertising withdrawal or defamation suits emerged. The 2011 IT Rules empowered government to block content, leading to over 14,000 URL takedowns in 2023 (Ministry of Electronics and IT data). Self-censorship is rampant due to corporate pressures or political patronage. In conflict zones like Kashmir, journalists face "media blackouts." The 2023 Broadcasting Services Bill draft proposes content regulation for digital news, drawing RSF criticism as "censorship by stealth."

Laws safeguarding press preedom

India's legal framework, rooted in the Constitution, provides robust protections with caveats. Article 19(1)(a) is the bedrock, interpreted expansively in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978). Key laws include Press Council Act, 1978 which empowers PCI to maintain standards and adjudicate complaints, Right to Information Act, 2005 which enables access to government data, fueling exposés like 2G scam, Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act, 1995 which regulates content but allows self-regulation via “News Broadcasting Standards Authority”. Judicial precedents like Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) struck down Section 66A of IT Act for vagueness. The proposed Data Protection Act, 2023, aims to protect journalist data but raises surveillance fears.

Instances of misuse of laws

Despite protections, laws are often weaponized. Sedition cases surged 28% from 2014-2023 (NCRB data), targeting journalists like Siddique Kappan (2020 Hathras case) and Prashant Kanojia (2019 UP CM tweet). Defamation suits, criminal under IPC Sections 499-500, are misused; Rahul Gandhi's 2019 conviction (later stayed) exemplifies political leverage. UAPA invocations against journalists in Manipur (2023 ethnic clashes) deter reporting. The IT Rules 2021's fact-check unit empowers government to flag "false" information, leading to self-censorship. In 2022, Alt News co-founder Mohammed Zubair's arrest under POCSO for a 2018 tweet highlighted misuse. Corporate SLAPP suits (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation) silence environmental reporting.

The most immediate threat faced by press in India remains physical. In 2024 alone, 12 journalists were killed in India, making it the fifth-deadliest country for media workers globally (CPJ). The murders were not random; each targeted reporting on land mafia, mining scams, or political corruption. Rural journalists face the brunt. A 2024 study by the Network of Women in Media found that 68% of journalist murders since 2014 occurred outside metro cities, often in districts with high corruption indices.

Digital lynch mobs

The battlefield has shifted online. A 2025 UNESCO report revealed that Indian women journalists face 73% more online abuse than global averages, with 41% considering quitting due to trauma. The abuse is orchestrated: troll armies, often linked to political IT cells, deploy bots to trend hashtags like #Presstitute or #UrbanNaxal. Platforms themselves enable censorship. Under the IT Rules 2021, the government can order takedowns within 36 hours. In 2023, 14,348 URLs were blocked, including 1,113 news articles (MeitY data). YouTube removed 22 Indian channels in 2024 for “violating community guidelines” after government complaints, including The Wire’s investigative series on Adani. Self-censorship is the silent killer. A 2025 survey by the Editors Guild of India found that 61% of TV editors and 44% of digital editors killed stories fearing online backlash.

Misinformation and erosion of credibility

The press fights on two fronts: external fake news and internal paid news. During the 2024 Delhi floods, ANI circulated a 2022 video as “live,” later deleted without apology. WhatsApp forwards claiming “migrant attacks” sparked riots in Nuh in Haryana in 2023, with TV channels amplifying unverified claims. Paid news is institutionalized. The Press Council of India penalized 14 publications in 2024 for election coverage disguised as ads. In Bihar, candidates paid Rs 2–5 lakh per “positive story” (PCI inquiry). The Election Commission disqualified one candidate but admitted helplessness against digital media. Deepfakes are the new frontier. An AI-generated video of Rahul Gandhi “confessing to corruption” garnered 8 million views before fact-checkers debunked it. Boom Live identified 47 political deepfakes in the first half of 2025.

The road ahead is structural, demanding systemic fixes. Few solutions include decriminalizing defamation and repeal sedition/UAPA for speech, enacting a “Journalist Safety Law” with fast-track courts, capping government ads at 15% of revenue and creating a media development fund. As National Press Freedom Day dawns, the question isn’t whether the press will survive—it’s whether India’s democracy can afford its collapse. The fourth estate isn’t perfect, but in 2025, it is the truth which hangs by a thread.