A Stark Warning for India's Corrupt Political Machine

In the heart of Kathmandu, thousands of students and young Nepalis have taken to the streets in a massive uprising against their government's rampant corruption, administrative failures, and utter lack of good governance. As of September these protests—now entering their third week—have paralyzed the capital, drawing global attention and sending shockwaves through neighboring India. Echoing the Total Revolution spearheaded by Gandhian icon Jayaprakash Narayan in the 1970s, which culminated in the Emergency of 1975, this youth-led stir in Nepal serves as a chilling alarm bell. It's not just for Nepal's beleaguered politicians and bureaucrats; it's a dire caution to India's own leadership, where corruption has metastasized into every layer of society.

The parallels are uncanny. Narayan's movement mobilized students and the masses against Indira Gandhi's authoritarian drift and endemic graft, forcing a reckoning that reshaped Indian democracy. Today, Nepal's protesters, organized under student unions and civil society groups, are demanding accountability from Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli's coalition government. Reports indicate clashes with police, with over 700 arrests and dozens injured, 20 dead, as demonstrators torch effigies of corrupt officials. "We won't tolerate thieves in power anymore," shouted one protester, encapsulating the fury of a generation tired of unfulfilled promises. This isn't mere youthful angst; it's a systemic revolt against a governance vacuum where public funds vanish into elite pockets, much like the scandals that plague India.

Why does corruption fester so deeply in India, mirroring Nepal's woes? The rot begins at the ballot box, where electoral expenses have ballooned to obscene levels. Candidates for state assembly seats now shell out Rs 25-30 crore, while Lok Sabha hopefuls fork over Rs 40-50 crore, according to estimates from the Centre for Media Studies and election watchdogs. This is a quantum leap from the 1990s, when costs were a fraction, often covered by voluntary contributions. Today, it's cash-for-votes on steroids: Rs 1,000-2,000 per voter in direct bribes, alongside sarees, blenders, liquor, and feasts for women and families. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) documented over 1,500 candidates with criminal cases, many funded by black money. The total election spend? A staggering Rs 1 lakh crore, per media analyses—enough to build schools for millions.

The evolution of this corruption saga reads like a thriller of moral decay. In the pre-1990s era, India's political leaders, scarred by the freedom struggle, prioritized public welfare over personal gain. They awarded contracts to businessmen and contractors without extortion, seeking only voluntary financial aid months before elections. No quid pro quo; just a gentle request for support within means. This phase reflected a nascent democracy's idealism, where leaders like those in the Congress or early Janata Party viewed power as service. By the early 1990s, liberalization cracked open the economy, and so did the floodgates of greed. 

Politicians began negotiating "contributions" tied to the scale of business help offered—still polite, but insistent. Post-1995, the shift was seismic. Realizing contractors profited handsomely from government favors, leaders started demanding fixed "cuts"—10-20% of contract values, as revealed in later CAG audits. Precautionary measures emerged: payments routed through benami (proxy) accounts, shell companies, or even checks in leaders' names. The 2G spectrum scam (2010) and coal allocation fraud (2012) exemplified this, siphoning billions.

The double whammy came next. Politicians, tired of begging, launched their own firms or funnelled contracts to kin-run entities. In Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, benami construction empires flourished, cornering 30-40% of public works, per Transparency International reports. Businessmen, fed up with endless arm-twisting, retaliated by plunging into politics. Tycoons like those in real estate and mining joined parties like BJP or regional outfits, injecting black money to win seats. Without grassroots connect, they buy loyalty: In the 2022 Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, cash seizures hit Rs 1,000 crore, yet convictions remain rare. This influx has ratcheted up the "bar" for all candidates, turning elections into billionaire auctions where only the corrupt thrive.

Who checks this madness? The Election Commission of India (ECI), once a fearsome watchdog under T.N. Seshan (1990-1996), who seized assets and disqualified violators at whim, has faded into irrelevance. Seshan's era saw strict enforcement; today, the ECI faces allegations of partisanship, especially post-2019, with cries of bias toward the ruling BJP. ADR data shows a 50% drop in action against poll malpractices since 2014. The judiciary, that supposed bulwark, has grown complacent. Once swift on suo motu cases—like the 1990s Hawala scandal—courts now backlog corruption petitions amid accusations of delays favoring the powerful. Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud's tenure saw landmark rulings, but pendency exceeds 5 crore cases, diluting urgency.

Even the fourth estate, the media, is complicit. Once a torchbearer for ethics, as in the Bofors exposé (1987), it's now infested with owner-driven agendas. Corporate-politico hybrids like Reliance's media arms or BJP-affiliated channels prioritize propaganda over probe. A 2023 Reuters Institute report ranked India's press freedom 150th globally, with 70% of outlets owned by business-political nexus. Investigative journalism? Buried under clickbait and paid news, which the Press Council admits cost Rs 500 crore in 2019 alone.

India's Corruption Perceptions Index score lingers at 40/100 (2024, Transparency International), unchanged from a decade ago, signalling stagnation. Nepal's CPI is worse at 35, but their youth's fury shows change is possible. As Charles Dickens wrote in A Tale of Two Cities: "It was the best of times, it was the worst of times... we had everything before us, we had nothing before us." This duality defines our era—economic booms amid moral bankruptcy.

However, going by our country’s ancient wisdom, ethos and time tested values, the Nepal like violent movements may not happen here. But to prevent any such revolt, better those in power, those heading the Constitutional bodies, and all those concerned with the well-being of the country and its people, should take corrective measures, bring down the level of corruption, malpractices, embezzlement of public funds and the lavish life style of those in power. Or else, we are in for a big shock and surprise!